Trump's Second Term Power Grab: Expanding Influence & Challenging Norms

Sources familiar with the matter have reported that some of President Trump's aides warned him that constructing a ballroom at the White House would necessitate the demolition of sections of the East Wing and disrupt daily operations and tours. Despite these concerns, Trump insisted on pushing forward with the plan and awarded the contract to a construction firm selected by the White House. During his first term, government officials frequently curbed Trump's impulses on matters both significant and minor, ranging from tariffs and immigration to oversight of the Federal Reserve. However, according to White House officials, Trump allies, and presidential observers, in his second term, Trump encounters significantly fewer individuals attempting to dissuade him. "I think he has realized that there is almost nothing that can truly stop him from achieving what he wants," stated Marc Short, the legislative affairs director during Trump's first term. Recently, Trump has renewed calls to end mail-in voting, announced novel plans to compel local governments to abandon cash bail policies, threatened to deploy troops to Baltimore, and hinted at extending the deployment to include New York and Chicago—moves that stretch the boundaries of his authority. Last Monday, Trump took one of his most radical actions to date: an attempt to oust Lisa Cook, a member of the Federal Reserve Board, a move that conflicts with the Supreme Court's recent indication that the central bank should be shielded from direct political manipulation. While some of his new directives are supported by advisors, others appear to stem entirely from his personal volition. As his second term enters its seventh month, Trump has begun to speak of authoritarianism more frequently—after claiming during his campaign that he would only be a "dictator" on "day one" of his presidency. This statement sparked strong condemnation from Democrats, who portrayed Trump as a threat to democracy in their campaign. In the Oval Office last Monday, Trump revisited the topic while praising Washington D.C.’s "tough on crime" policies: "A lot of people say, ‘Maybe we like the dictator,’" he stated, "But I don’t like the dictator, and I’m not a dictator." This marks Trump's latest exploration of the form of government that the United States abandoned at its founding, by showcasing federal power and breaking the norms that have constrained previous presidents, in an attempt to reshape presidential authority.

Trump's Deep Intervention in Government Operations and Transformation of Symbols of Power

As government officials have stated, Trump is intervening in government operations with a depth unseen in his first term, pushing institutional personnel appointments and directly proposing policy constructs. Since taking office in January, he has threatened and compelled major universities, law firms, technology companies, and media outlets to reach enormous settlements. He dispatched Marines to Los Angeles despite opposition from locally elected officials. He seized control of Washington D.C.’s police force, ordering thousands of soldiers and federal officials to patrol the streets. He fired economic officials who compiled employment reports. He demanded the dismissal of senior civil servants in agencies. He even attempted to dismiss heads of non-directly affiliated institutions, such as the National Portrait Gallery. Almost no aides have objected to these moves; instead, they often cheer them on. The only area where Trump has seemingly wavered this year is on tariffs—due to concerns over financial market reactions, he has walked back statements several times. Rice University presidential historian Douglas Brinkley pointed out that Trump’s motivation is "to control all American institutions," "He seems to want to choke the neck of everyone and proclaim, ‘I am in charge.’" Alongside reshaping the contours of presidential power, Trump is also transforming symbols of American power on a physical level: despite advisors' opposition, he installed gold-style Gulf state palace decorations in the Oval Office, claiming this action garnered praise from world leaders. He installed new flagpoles on the front and back lawns of the White House. He presented visitors with campaign-style baseball caps printed with “Trump 2028”—even though the Constitution prohibits him from seeking re-election. American history is not without precedents for altering presidential powers: Andrew Jackson challenged the elite and brought populism to the highest office. Abraham Lincoln suspended habeas corpus (later ratified by Congress) and ended slavery. Franklin D. Roosevelt constructed the social security system. But the hallmark of the Trump era is the intense centralization of federal power within the Oval Office. "I have the right to do whatever I want," Trump declared last Monday. Trump spokeswoman Karoline Leavitt stated that the president governs because of "his unparalleled political instincts and his extraordinary ability to understand the needs of the American people," "Everyone knows that President Trump is a decision-maker, and he has assembled an outstanding team."

Comparing Reactions Between Camps: From Prior Constraints to Current Endorsement

Some officials have expressed shock at the monumental shift in Trump's second term. William Beach, who compiled employment reports, said he regularly communicated with Trump's aides during his first term, maintaining a mutually respectful relationship, "I never experienced political interference; it really surprised me." Former chiefs of staff, such as John F. Kelly, regularly curbed Trump's impulses, such as preventing him from repatriating immigrants to third countries. Former economic advisor Gary Cohn spent a year opposing tariff policies. Former White House counsel Donald McGahn warned against interfering in Justice Department investigations. Former Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin publicly opposed attempts to strip the Federal Reserve of its independence. Trump ally Bryan Lanza, a lobbyist, noted: "There is nobody standing behind Trump now to deny his statements. The current White House staff only want to execute his orders, rather than trying to change him. There were a lot of discussions about ‘what should be done’ and ‘what shouldn’t be done’ in his first term, whereas now they are just executing." Trump hopes to spend more time in the White House during his second term, opening the doors of the Oval Office and playing music, working late into the night and telling advisors he enjoys it. He told aides about his painful experiences in his first term, where he was fighting staff and facing investigations. Former government officials revealed that while Trump often complained about the Kennedy Center, the Federal Reserve, the National Security Council, and the Departments of Defense and Justice, he never actually tried to reshape these institutions, seemingly accepting that there were limits to power. He also rarely confronted universities and law firms deemed liberal. Today, Trump no longer heeds criticisms: when advisors advised him earlier this year not to attend a cryptocurrency dinner to avoid conflicts of interest, he directly ignored the advice. In May, when aides expressed doubts about his plan to show the South African president a video of “white genocide,” no one dared to intervene anymore. Current Chief of Staff Susie Wiles has neither restricted Trump's use of his private cell phone nor regularly discouraged his decisions. She has stated that her duty is to manage the team, not to constrain the president. Trump's cabinet members also fully support his vision of presidential power. Agriculture Secretary Brooke Rollins stated at a cabinet meeting on Tuesday, "I firmly believe we are living through a revolution." He likened the national changes under Trump's leadership to the founding of the nation in 1776 and the Civil War, "This is the third revolution, led by Donald Trump."